BLACK SOCIAL HISTORY : BLACK AMERICANS IN THE UNITED STATES MILITARY FROM THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION TO THE KOREAN WAR :

               BLACK         SOCIAL       HISTORY                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                          Black Americans In The US Military From The American Revolution To The Korean War:
The War Of 1812

Within the United States two groups argued over expansion of America’s borders. Doves, or antiwar New Englanders, had lived through the revolution. Hawks proposed war for expansion, since they were westerners and southerners who had not participated in the Revolutionary War. They envisioned gaining Florida, Mexico and Canada. New England Federalists opposed the war since the north’s economy depended largely on shipping. They feared that a loss to the superior British Navy would cripple American shipping.

Great Britain had not done its part in maintaining peaceful relations with the United States. Beginning in 1803, the British Navy exercised the right to seize American ships in the Atlantic and impress their crews, forcing them to serve under the British flag as naval officers. Over 10,000 Americans were impressed into the British Navy. In 1807, the USS Chesapeake refused to allow the crew from the British H.M.S. Leopard, resulting in provoking an attack that killed 3 Americans and wounded 18 others.

Britain and France were at war, and Britain wanted to cut off France from U.S. shipping. At the same time, France tried to do the same to U.S. shipping headed for Britain. The results were disastrous for the U.S. economy. Jefferson’s Embargo Act of 1807 attempted to pressure France and Great Britain into changing their international shipping policies. Neither side budged at this policy of “peaceful coercion”, (About.com) due to the extent of the conflict in Europe.

In 1810, Napoleon exempted the U.S. from all French shipping restrictions. Despite Britain having paid damages for the USS Chesapeake incident, France had gained an edge. President James Madison shut off all British trade the following year. Britain followed France’s policy by attempting to repeal all shipping and impressments laws that it had been exercising on American shipping. This all came too late, and Madison had promised the Hawks that he would follow through after receiving their support in the elections of 1812. He asked Congress for a declaration of war on June 1st and got his wish on the 18th of that same month.

New England remained the richest region of the United States during the War of 1812, and did not send all of its regiments into battle. However, it still raised more regiments than any other region. New York State sent two regiments of 2,000 Black soldiers total, promising freedom to those who had remained slaves.

Black sailors contributed to important victories for the U.S. Navy. Although the U.S. Navy had many fewer ships than their British enemy, their three largest ships were significantly superior. The USS Constitution (“Old Ironsides”), the USS President, and the USS United States all had the heaviest broadsides and highest speeds of any ships of their class in the world. Black sailors were not onboard any of these ships, but they played important roles aboard Captain Oliver Perry’s ship, the USS Lawrence, and Lieutenant Thomas McDonough’s ship, the USS Saratoga.

Oliver Perry commanded a squadron of over six vessels, known as the Lake Eerie flotilla. On September 10, 1813, Perry’s squadron faced a British squadron led by Captain Robert Barclay. Most of the British cannon fire hit the Lawrence, killing eighty percent of the crew and forcing Perry to transfer onto the Niagra. After continuing the battle from the lesser-damaged Niagra, Perry finally forced a British surrender. Of the 400 men under Perry, 100 were Blacks. The success of this mission led to the invasion of Canada. The British retreated out of Detroit, which allowed Major General William Henry to pursue the British across Lake Michigan. Henry won the Battle of Thames, but all of Canada remained under British control due to the influx of British veterans returning after defeating Napoleon. Perry did not respect his Black seamen, however. He had complained that he only had received Blacks, soldiers and boys, but nobody advanced enough for his likings. Commodore Isaac Chauney disagreed with Perry, stating that of the best men on his own ship, many of them were Black.

Thomas McDonough defended Plattsburg Bay from a possible British advance. His ship, the USS Saratoga, received strategic assistance from the USS Eagle, USS Ticonderoga and the USS Preble. On the morning of September 11, 1815, the British fleet led by Captain George Downie advanced into Plattsburgh bay. Forced to track into the north wind, Downie’s fleet could not properly line up with McDonough’s ships. After McDonough’s fleet opened fire, British Captain Downey was killed. McDonough was hit three times by explosions from enemy fire, one coming from a shot that decapitated the head captain of one of the cannons. The Saratoga caught fire twice during this battle.

Blacks also fought valiantly for the British, once again convinced that a British victory would gain them freedom faster than an American victory. In the summer of 1814, about five thousand Chesapeake Bay slaves joined the Royal Navy. The option of free emigration to Canada or the West Indies appealed to them more than remaining slaves in their rightful home country. During the British invasion of Maryland, 1500 Black marines invaded and inflicted a humiliating American defeat.

For the American side, the main positions open to Blacks during the War of 1812 existed in the Navy. The only Black-inclusive militia existed in Louisiana. Although Louisiana was a slave state, there were 4,600 free Blacks by 1809, many of whom had emigrated from Santo Domingo as veterans of the Haitian Revolution. All free Blacks who owned any property worth at least $300 or paid taxes for the past two years were recruited. Although the law in Louisiana only permitted Whites to be officers in this battalion, three Black second lieutenants still existed. Governor William C.C. Claiborne of Louisiana needed to defend his territory against a rumored British attack, and he firmly believed in the ability of the Black soldier. He even made sure that General Andrew Jackson understood this, noting that under the Spanish the free Blacks had been very reliable. Of Jackson’s 6,000 troops defending Louisiana, 500 were free Blacks. The battle would end up a stalemate, and soon the British would give up on their plan to capture the U.S., given the stiff determination encountered in all areas of the North American battlefield.

Black Americans In The US Military From The American Revolution To The Korean War:
The Civil War

By 1860 there existed 4 million slaves, 1/7 of the American population. The success of large plantations forced many White southerners out of the economy and into the military, where they served as nighttime guards against possible slave uprisings. The Northeastern U.S. relied on the booming cotton economy for its own shipping industry: In the 1850’s, cotton accounted for 50% of all American exports. The Black man, despite services rendered to the U.S. military, remained enslaved by the U.S. economy.

At Harper’s Ferry, a rebellion led by former slave “Captain” John Brown. This army had 17 Whites and only five Blacks. At night, this army seized a weapons armory, the rifle factory, the fire-engine house, and the Baltimore & Ohio Railway Bridge, but failed to stop the eastbound midnight train, which enabled the news to reach Washington. Halfway through the morning, Brown’s group found itself surrounded by Federal as well as Virginia militia troops. This rebellion occurred due to a failure of American slavery policy to change. As noted earlier, President Jefferson had officially abolished slavery in 1808.

The southern states felt under-represented in the House of Representatives during the 1850’s as only one-third of the American population lived within its territory. During the elections of 1860, the Democratic Party split, Stephen Douglas representing the North and John Breckenridge representing the south. Amongst this chaos, Abraham Lincoln won the elections as a moderate Republican, opposing slavery. South Carolina threatened to secede from the Union if Lincoln won the election. On December 20, 1860, South Carolina seceded. Not too much later Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana and Texas followed.

Initially Blacks had only been used in the Union Navy during the Civil War. The War Department refused to recruit Black troops despite losing the Battle of Bull Run in July of 1881, and later in October in the Battle of Ball’s Bluff in Virginia. Ironically, the south employed Blacks and Native American as military support before the Union. Republican-dominated Congress passed a bill proclaiming all slaves that supported the Confederate Army free. Only in October of the next year were Blacks used by the Union in combat. In response to the move made by Republican-led Congress, Major General John C. Frémont proclaimed all Missouri border state slaves free if they joined the Union Army. President Lincoln later fired Frémont from the Army, infuriated by Frémont’s refusal to repeal his order. Lincoln did not feel ready to start declaring slaves in the South as free.

Despite actions taken against Frémont, Brigadier James H. Lane formed the 1st Kansas Colored Volunteers. The Kansas Volunteers fought in combat against guerillas in Butler Missouri. Later this regiment also won at Island Mound, Missouri and at Honey Springs in a battle against Confederate-backed Native Americans.

Blacks soon gained the opportunity to join the Union, when President Lincoln signed the Second Confiscation Act. It allowed all slaves freedom upon entering the Union territory. When Louisiana was captured, General Benjamin F. Butler fully took advantage of this act, recruiting Black volunteers. Included also were members of the 1st Regiment of Louisiana Native Guards. They had offered themselves to the Confederacy but were turned down.

On January 1, 1863, Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation, freeing all slaves within the Confederate-controlled territory. Shortly thereafter the first Black volunteer regiment formed in the northeast, the 54th Massachusetts, founded by leading abolitionists. Most of the volunteers were working class Blacks from Maine, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Vermont, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Maryland, South Carolina, Missouri, Canada and the Caribbean. Most of the officers were White abolitionist Harvard graduates with good social status. The War Department had initiated order 143, allowing Blacks to enlist into the Union Army. The Blacks did not receive fair pay, however, receiving only $7 per month no matter their rank. On the other hand White chaplains received $100 per month, White sergeant majors $21, and the lowest ranking Whites as privates earned $13 per month. Sergeant William Walker complained of this disparity, and along with other volunteers in the 3rd South Carolina Volunteers, refused to fight. He was executed on March 1, 1864.

Nevertheless, the 54th Massachusetts fought valiantly, suffering 50% casualties in its attack on Fort Wagner. Bad intelligence was to blame, as they were informed of facing 300 Confederate soldiers, while really facing 1700. The leader of the 54th, Colonel Robert Gould Shaw, died in this battle while leading the charge. Shaw was buried in an unmarked mass grave alongside the other Black soldiers who perished in this battle. White officers of the 54th received decent burials from the Confederates, however.

Amidst the anger and chaos that embodied the Civil War, atrocities against Black soldiers occurred. General Nathan Bedford Forrest lost the battle of Fort Anderson, Kentucky, despite his Confederate troops outnumbering their Union counterparts. In order to get revenge, Bedford brought a force of 1500 Confederate cavalry and surrounded Fort Pillow, a base manned by 600 men. The 11th U.S. Colored Troops and the White Unionists of the 13th Tennessee Cavalry manned Fort Pillow. In the ensuing attack, 231 Union soldiers died, mostly Blacks, while 168 Whites and only 58 Blacks were taken hostage. Southern reports claimed that the soldiers all died fighting, but the Union witnesses reported that most of the Blacks were massacred after surrendering. Blacks were buried alive, set afire, and even mutilated. Black women and children living inside the base were also massacred. This act of hatred was clearly aimed more at revenge against Blacks than it was at military success. General Forrest later became the first Imperial Dragon of the K.K.K., the most notorious racist and extremist organization in U.S. history.

The 1st Kansas Colored Volunteers suffered similar atrocities 6 days later at Poison Spring, Arkansas. As the Union forces retreated, any Black soldiers who were wounded or wished to surrender were shot. These acts of hate did nothing more than inspire the Black troops to fight even more valiantly, chanting “Remember Fort Pillow!” in the east and “Remember Poison Spring!” in the west.

The Union Army continued to wear down the Confederacy, at a high price. The U.S. Colored Troops 1st Regiment helped capture Fort Fisher on January 15, 1865. It was the Confederacy’s only remaining point of supply. The 54th and 55th Massachusetts were the first forces to enter Charlestown when it surrendered a month later. Before the fall of Richmond, the Confederate Congress decided to use slaves as soldiers. Being a last minute move of desperation, it also promised freedom to any slaves to join the
Confederate Army.

Black Americans In The US Military From The American Revolution To The Korean War:
The Indian Wars

The new Union army consisted of 25,000 men, one fourth its size at the end of the Civil War. Blacks numbered one in every five soldiers, and gained 13 dollars per month. At this time, receiving 13 dollars per month appealed to many Blacks, as their pay in other professions would have been much lower. Racism still existed within the new Army, and Black soldiers had to prove themselves in order to gain any respect. Many Black NCOs gained appreciation from other White officers, despite their low rank. Most of the Black soldiers to receive Medals of Honor for their fighting were NCOs.

Black Americans In The US Military From The American Revolution To The Korean War:
The Spanish American War And The Philippine Insurgency

The U.S. Army employed four Black regiments to serve in the Spanish-American War. Prior to the war, the 9th and 10th Cavalry along with the 24th and 25th Infantry had moved southward, upon the demand of the War Department. These groups had formerly fought against the Native Americans as Buffalo Soldiers. The use of Black soldiers came under the assumption that Blacks were naturally adapted survive the tropical climate and diseases. The 7th, 8th, 9th and 10th U.S. Volunteer Infantry later came into existence in response to Congress’ need for more soldiers, preferably “immune” to tropical diseases.

Black regulars left their hometowns where they felt welcomed and found themselves suddenly on a lower level upon entering their camps in the south. In Lakeland, Florida, the druggist of the Forbes drugstore refused to serve troops of the 10th Cavalry, after they asked to buy soda. He told them to go where they sold Blacks drinks. One soldier tried to enter the barbershop for a shave and was ordered to leave. White bystanders began to heckle the Black soldiers with obscenities. Then allegedly, one of the Whites, Joab Collins, went into the barbershop and brought out pistols, and was immediately shot and killed by some of the Black soldiers who had already begun shooting up the barbershop. It is still debated whether or not Collins was intentionally shot. Nevertheless, the situation in the south began to heat up.

In Tampa the worst incident occurred before the 24th and 25th Infantry embarked for Cuba. Some drunken Whites from the Ohio volunteer regiment shot at a Black child, luckily not hurting him, and instigating a massive retaliation. Black infantrymen ran in frenzy, attacking White soldiers and smashing up local White businesses. Nearly 30 Black soldiers ended up in the hospital.

In Cuba, the 9th and10th Cavalry joined with the 1st Volunteer Cavalry, otherwise known as Teddy Roosevelt’s “Rough Riders,” under the command of General Joseph Wheeler. Due to limited space on the invasion transports, the horses were left behind. Thus these forces fought on foot. The 10th Cavalry helped the Rough Riders storm a blockhouse that overlooked the ridge near Las Guásimas, suffering almost equal casualties as the Rough Riders. The Rough Riders had been trapped, and the 10th Cavalry used its “Indian-fighting” (Buckley, p. 144) techniques to save the squadron. John “Black Jack” Pershing credited his 10th Cavalry with saving the Rough Riders from much higher casualties. A reporter from the Washington Post stated, “If it had not been for the Negro cavalry, the Rough Riders would have been exterminated.” (Buckley, p. 144) He added that he was born in the south and had never been very fond of Black people before witnessing this battle.

The remaining objectives formed the main defenses of the city Santiago: El Caney, San Juan Hill and Kettle Hill. The 25th Infantry received orders to capture El Caney, and initially found themselves under intense Spanish fire. The 25th took cover in dry streambeds, from which they were able to snipe the enemy, forcing the Spanish to put up the White flag before the final charge even began.

The capture of Kettle Hill would prove itself more difficult. The Spanish had manned points along the hill that provided an excellent view of the approaching enemy. The 9th and 10th Cavalry approached the hill alongside the Rough Riders, and soon all three regiments spread into smaller groups upon receiving enemy fire. The 10th Cavalry fought valiantly, and even impressed a Rough Rider, Frank Knox, who had been separated from his regiment amidst the chaos. He believed these soldiers to be “the bravest men he had ever seen.” Knox would later become the U.S. Secretary of the Navy during World War II. The 10th suffered 20% killed and wounded in action. It should be noted that so far the 10th remained crucial to the overall efforts it share with the Rough Riders, although they never received equal recognition.

The raid of San Juan Hill almost destroyed the Rough Riders, who ended up trapped by enemy fire from all sides. Once again the 10th Cavalry bailed them out, with the help of the 9th Cavalry as well. The 10th Cavalry charged ahead, leaving their dead and wounded behind. According to a New York reporter at the battle scene, the 10th Cavalry advanced under heavy fire “firing as they marched, their aim was splendid. Their coolness was superb and their courage aroused admiration of their comrades.” (Powell) The Battle of San Juan Hill was the most integrated battle of all. The First Brigade consisted of the 9th Cavalry and the White 3rd and 6th. The Second Brigade consisted of the 10th Cavalry, the Rough Riders, the 1st Regular Cavalry, and 5,000 Cuban rebels led by the Cuban General Calixto García Iñiguez. For their gallantry in the Battle of San Juan Hill, five Black soldiers of the 10th Cavalry received the Medal of Honor and 25 other Black soldiers were awarded the Certificate of Merit. (Powell)

The battle for Puerto Rico was not very long lived, as the 6th Massachusetts Regimental National Guard and its Black Company L engaged only in a few skirmishes. Veteran Walter J. Stephens (Buckley p. 152) attributes the victory to the poor fighting tactics of Spanish soldiers, who fought in packs, while the Americans spread their forces apart. Contrary to the beliefs of the War Department, the soldiers of Company L suffered from the tropical diseases, such as Yellow Fever, Typhoid and Malaria.

The battle for the Philippines marked a change in some Black soldiers’ mindset. After seeing their own country simply replace Spain as the empire that dominated Cuba and Puerto Rico, their country now extended its hand into the Far East. Admiral George Dewey gained control over Manila Bay on May 1, 1898, and made a request for ground forces. The War Department quickly approved a plan to send 11,300 troops to Manila under the command of Major General Wesley Merritt by July 25. Dewey also encouraged General Emilio Aguinaldo, whom he had invited from exile in Hong Kong, to rally the Filipinos against the Spanish colonists. Aguinaldo hoped for Philippine independence.

Realizing that the American forces were superior to the Spanish defenses around the city, Governor-General Fermín Jáudenes y Álvarez had to make a choice. He decided he would rather lose the city to Americans than the “undisciplined native insurgents.” (Pike) The Spanish troops would put up only a display of resistance and would surrender on a prearranged signal. The Spanish also did not want to face any insurgents, fearing that they would be massacred. Merrit and Dewey persuaded the Filipino insurgents to watch the assault from the sidelines, yet some still joined in the assault and some unpredicted fighting took place, killing five Americans and wounding 35. When Admiral George Dewey gained control over Manila Bay on May 1, 1898, the insurgents refused to surrender to U.S. control, and set up a base on the island of Luzon, under their leader General Aguinaldo. At the Treaty of Paris on December 10, 1899, Spain agreed to recognize the independence of Cuba, and the ceding of Guam, Puerto Rico and the Philippines to the U.S. The U.S. also paid $20 million to Spain in exchange for the Philippines. It is no wonder that the Filipinos felt betrayed, seeing the U.S. as just another oppressor replacing the Spain as the imperialistic power.

U.S. Battles Filipino Insurgents: What is freedom?

Hostilities between the U.S. and Filipino insurgents broke out on February 2, 1899. The Americans had only 12,000 troops to face the 40,000 Filipino insurgents. The U.S. authorized the formation of two new Black regiments: the 48th and 49th Infantry. Many American troops would soon learn that they would rather have left the Spanish to fight off the insurgents. Facing the will of a people who desired independence, they inevitably faced a new kind of warfare. In September of 1901, on the island of Samar, guerrillas disguised as women killed fifty-nine Americans and wounded another twenty-three. Brigadier General Jacob H. Smith then ordered Marine major Littleton W.T. Waller to get revenge, stating, “I want no prisoners. I wish you to kill and burn—the more you kill and burn the better you will please me.” (Buckley, p. 154) When Waller asked General Smith what he meant by “no prisoners,” Smith recommended the execution of anyone over the age of 10. Even Filipinos employed by the U.S. were executed, suspected of stealing food and medicine. General Smith and Major Waller were both acquitted of any wrongdoing. Seeking a way to wear down the Filipino determination for independence, American soldiers inevitably committed war crimes. Some forty-four military trials would follow between August 1898 and March 1901, for crimes of burning villages, rape, murder, and others such as torture. This would foreshadow the type of fighting seen by the imperial powers seeking control over the territory of Vietnam.

The Black volunteer regiments sought recognition, although the general Black population strongly opposed America’s imperialistic policies in its newly acquired territories. Blacks saw the Cubans as their brothers and fellow victims in oppression, thus supporting the liberation of Cuba. The occupation of the Philippines caused second thoughts amongst leading Black intellectuals. E.E. Cooper, the Washington, D.C., newspaper editor became wary of U.S. President McKinley’s policy in the Philippines. Cooper warned that it was “impossible to Christianize and civilize people at gunpoint.” (Nalty, p. 73) Booker T. Washington, founder of the school for Blacks in Tuskegee, Alabama, also sounded his opposition, stating “Until our nation has settled the Indian and Negro problems, I do not think we have a right to assume more social problems.” (Nalty, p. 73) Bishop Henry McNeal Turner proved to be the most influential, when he grouped American Blacks and Filipinos as both oppressed by Whites. Other Blacks supported his ideas and formed the Black Man’s Burden Association. Nevertheless, Black opposition did not significantly materialize before the battles of the Philippine insurgency.

Motivated to gain recognition, Black soldiers fought bravely in the Philippines. Blacks were renowned for their ability to play to the insurgents’ style of warfare, in which there really were no limits. In one such case, a supposed defector from the insurgent side offered to lead a patrol from the 49th Volunteer Infantry under David Gilmer. Suspicious of this informant, Gilmer had the guide switch clothes with one of the soldiers. The Filipino informant came under fire at the riverbank, but Gilmer’s patrol waded the stream and flanked the insurgent position, capturing the entire ambush party. Gilmer and 5 other Black soldiers had been recruited from the 3rd North Carolina regiment. While stationed in Georgia, this regiment suffered severe maltreatment from local Whites. Whites killed four Black soldiers, and justice was never served. The accused Whites pleaded justifiable homicide, and the racist speech given by the defense lawyer successfully swayed the local jury.

Upon arriving at the Philippines, Black regular and volunteer units encountered propaganda encouraging them to desert the army. General Aguinaldo sent out pamphlets that raised the same questions that Blacks encountered back home in the U.S.: How could one believe that his government could be promoting a good cause when that same government allows his brothers to be terrorized and lynched? Veteran soldier John Galloway, a senior noncommissioned officer of the 24th Infantry, admitted that this propaganda affected many Black soldiers. He felt constantly haunted by how morally wrong Americans were to be serving as an army under the oppressor. Galloway later was jailed and dishonorably discharged after a letter from him was discovered in a raid in the house of a suspected Manila insurgent. The letter was harmless, and encouraged the Filipinos to use education to obtain their freedom.

Only 5 soldiers defected to the side of the insurgents, the most famous being David Fagen. Fagen had gained the rank of corporal in Company I in the 24th Infantry, and on November 17, 1899, defected. It is believed that his defection came in light of conflicts with his White or Black superiors. For a year and a half, Fagen led troops under General José Alejandrino. He eventually gained the rank of captain, and his followers called him “General Fagen.” The New York Times printed a front-page story on “General Fagen” after he captured a military steam launch near Araya and escaped into the jungle with his men. American propaganda attempted to picture Fagen as a murderer, stating that he routinely captured and killed American soldiers. Two former prisoners from the 24th Infantry discounted these rumors. Trooper George Jackson and White Lieutenant Frederick Alstaetter both stated that they were treated humanely, although Fagen stole Alstaetter’s West Point ring. Shockingly, 20 American soldiers defected to his side, Black and White.

The capture of the leader of the Filipino insurrection, General Aguinaldo, led to the breakdown of the resistance in the spring of 1901. General Frederick Funston placed a bounty of $600 on Fagan’s head, and shortly thereafter a bounty hunter brought back a slightly decomposed head, a West Point ring and a rebel commission in the name of Fagen. Filipinos claimed that Fagen remained alive, hoping that others would continue this guerilla fight for freedom. General Aguinaldo’s acknowledgement of the sovereignty of the United States throughout the Philippines was enough to discourage any further resistance for the time being.

In the summer of 1902, troops began to return home from the Philippines. Muslim Guerilla resistance among the southern islands sprang up and prompted the remaining soldiers of the 24th Infantry and the new Philippine constabulary, or police force, to kill more than 50 insurgents.

Black soldiers felt no better off fighting for their country in a foreign land. White officers had a tendency to group very freely Filipinos and Black Americans under the racist terminology “n-gger.” (Nalty, p. 77) Events following the Spanish-American war indicated nothing of improvement for the Black American population. The Navy segregated in response to Japan’s victory over Russia in 1905. The goal behind creating a “Great White Fleet” was to demonstrate Caucasian supremacy to the Japanese Navy and discourage any attacks on the America’s newly acquired territory in the Far East. Blacks in the Navy were only allowed to be stewards and messmen, replacing Japanese Americans, now seen as a security threat

Black Americans In The US Military From The American Revolution To The Korean War:
The Brownsville Incident And Teddy Roosevelt

The Brownsville Incident: A War at Home

At the second Niagra Conference in 1906, W.E.B. Du Bois, forerunner of the NAACP, demanded full manhood rights. It was made clear that this message went to all Americans, but it enraged the South nevertheless. Several race riots broke out, the worst in Atlanta where 60 blacks were lynched.

It came to no surprise that more problems occurred when 170 Blacks from the 25th Infantry’s 1st Battalion were ordered to train alongside the Texas National Guard at Fort Brown, in Brownsville, Texas. Upon their arrival, these soldiers received a cold welcoming of signs barring Blacks from stores and parks. The citizens of Brownsville quietly watched their arrival, showing no respect.

Shots were heard outside Fort Brown on the night of August 13th, arousing the 25th. The soldiers noticed that someone had broken into the camp and unlocked rifle racks. Within the town, unknown attackers killed one person and wounded several others. Further investigation found Springfield rifle clips, and it was immediately assumed that Black soldiers were at fault. Eight out of twenty-two witnesses claimed that the attackers were Black.

The State Department demanded the three companies of the 25th name the gunmen or face summary dismissal. Still, every soldier denied any knowledge of the attackers. President Theodore Roosevelt accepted the recommendation of dismissal for anyone who did not speak up, and one hundred and sixty seven soldiers were slapped with dishonorable discharges. They would never again serve the government. The soldiers also did not receive a trial. President Roosevelt added that some of these soldiers were “Bloody Butchers” that should be “hung.”

A new investigation into the incident by Senator Joseph P. Foraker found that the bullets recovered did not come from any of the weapons issued to the 25th. The first attempt at reversing the dishonorable discharges failed because the trial process assumed guilty until proven innocent. The successful attempt came finally in 1971 when Augustus Hawkins, a Black Democratic Congressman, introduced a bill to declare the discharges honorable. After an investigation into the incident in 1972, President Nixon approved of honorable discharges, with no other compensation. The only remaining member of the 25th Infantry at Brownsville, Dorsie W. Willis, received $25,000 and medical treatment at the Veterans Administration hospital.

Theodore Roosevelt a Traitor

Theodore Roosevelt promised to recognize the gallantry of the soldiers who in more than one instance bailed out his “Rough Riders” in Cuba. Soldiers of the 9th and10th Cavalry had hoped that their efforts could be recognized. Roosevelt wrote about his experiences in Alone in Cubia, and had little to say of any Black accomplishments, yet alone the fact that the Black regiments were responsible for saving the Rough Riders at Las Guásimas and San Juan Hill. Anything the Black soldiers accomplished was due to White leadership, according to Roosevelt. Amidst this backstabbing, Roosevelt went so low as to claim that he encountered Black soldiers leaving the battlefield and had to force them at gunpoint to join the front lines. According to Presley Holliday, a former Sergeant in the 10th Cavalry, Roosevelt actually stopped four soldiers on their way to pick up ammunition from a supply point.Black Americans In The US Military From The American Revolution To The Korean War:

World War One

World War I & The “Harlem Hellfighters”

Originally known as the 15th New York National Guard, The New York National Guard 369th Infantry regiment is one of the most under-appreciated contributors to World War I within this country. Only in France did they receive proper recognition; 500 of its members received the French “Croix de Guerre,” or “War Cross.” This regiment gained the nickname “The Harlem Hellfighters” by the Germans, who were surprised to see an entirely Black regiment fight so well. The Hellfighters spent more time in continuous combat during World War I than any other American unit. This unit also fought the longest on the front during the Champagne-Marne offensive, fighting for 191 days. The 369th suffered a loss of 1500 men as well. This unit also was the first Allied unit to cross the Rhine River during the Allied offensive. None of their actions took place under the American Flag, but rather under the French Flag. The Hellfigters were attached to the French Army’s 161st Division and wore French Army uniforms.

One must wonder why this regiment, as well as all other Black regiments, did not represent their homeland. President Woodrow Wilson’s administration had encouraged the military to turn its back on the Black soldiers, despite their successes in battle. The pre-Civil War anti-Black propaganda somehow had been revived. U.S. General John G. Pershing issued a directive to the French Military Mission stationed with the American Army, warning them of the dangers of relying on Black troops. Pershing wrote a document entitled “Secret Information Concerning Black American Troops” (Buckley, p. 163) and lists out reasons for the French to keep a close watch on the Black soldiers. He stated that the Black man is an “inferior” being to the White man. The Black man lacks “civic and professional conscience” and is a “constant menace to the American.” It is startling that Pershing called the Black man a menace to the American, as if the Black Americans were not really Americans. And this is how the U.S. Military regarded Black units. Pershing continued “we must not eat with them, must not shake hands or seek to talk or meet with them outside the requirements of military service.” The use of “we” in Pershing’s words essentially places French and Americans on the same side for being White. Pershing also added that “we” must not commend too highly the Black American troops, especially not in front of White American troops. Pershing added that an effort must be made to prevent the local population from “spoiling the Negroes.” Startling is his use of the word “Negroes.” Later he adds “Familiarity on the part of white women with black men is furthermore a source of profound regret to our experienced colonials, who see in it an overwhelming menace to the prestige of the white race.” Pershing seemed more concerned that his White troops not be offended, than by the outcome of the war. He viewed this as an opportunity for White soldiers to represent the United States.

The French reaction to Pershing’s directive was one of indifference. Logically, the French had no interest in upsetting the Black American troops since the French Army suffered from many cases of desertion. Pershing did not realize that the French had Black troops who served decisively at Verdun, Aisne, Compiègne and Somme. Regardless of Pershing’s desire for White American troops to outdo their Black brothers in arms, the enemy clearly feared the Black troops. They also feared the French Black troops, who were mostly Senegalese and Algerian, as they took no prisoners. Two captured White aviators confirmed the German fear of Black troops, when they were questioned of their numbers while at two different prisons. Lieutenants A.L. Clark and V.H. Burgin were both asked how many Black Americans served on the other side of the front.

The June 1917 Selective Service Act allowed for all able-bodied men from age twenty-one to thirty-one to be enlisted into the U.S. Military. Foreign-born Americans and Blacks were over drafted. Blacks made up 10% of the American population, but reached a higher proportion of 13% in the U.S. draftees. However, most of these soldiers served as labor, supply and service units, while of the rest, only 11% served in the fighting, all as National Guard units.

The Harlem Hell Fighters, despite fighting the longest of any American Regiment, was not allowed to march in the Paris parades. U.S. pressure also disallowed it a place in the French national war memorial. Prior to World War I there should have been no hesitation for the government to use and trust in Black soldiers. In March of 1917, the District of Columbia National Guard 1st Separate Battalion, all Black, guarded reservoirs, power plants and public buildings against sabotage. The U.S. Government trusted more in the Black soldiers than in the newly enlisted foreign-born soldiers, especially the Germans. This is the same situation as mentioned earlier with the Navy: Black men enlisted to serve the manual labor positions in order to replace the Japanese Americans.

The Harlem Hellfighters met with uninviting MPs upon their return to New York, who were instructed not to salute any 369th soldiers, White or Black. The 369th had its own parade, since it was not invited to join the Victory Parade of 1919. The march made headlines throughout the country, and despite the U.S. Government’s efforts, the 369th made its mark on America.Black Americans In The US Military From The American Revolution To The Korean War:

World War Two

Prior to World War II the U.S. armed forces had declined, and segregation within them continued. The Air Arm of the U.S. Army refused to accept any Black applicants as late as the spring of 1939. Not until 1940 did the Army initiate a policy of accepting Blacks according to their proportion to the population, but still only accepted enough to make Blacks represent 6% of the Army while Blacks represented 10% of the American population. The Black soldier initially served as infantrymen or labor.

After many efforts by anti-segregationist and Black leaders, the racial policy of the armed forces only changed once it became a political strategy. Republican frontrunner Wendell L. Wilkie had declared himself an “enemy of racism” (Nalty, p. 138) and gained the support of the Pittsburgh Courier, an influential black newspaper. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, in response to Wilkie’s successes in the Black electorate, announced a change to the armed forces racial policy that would allow Blacks to enlist to their proportion within the population. Roosevelt announced that Blacks would be eligible to serve in the U.S. Army Air Corps, receive officer training, and work civilian jobs at army posts. In order to keep the scale balanced between the Blacks and any white Racists within the Government, Roosevelt refused to de-segregate the armed forces. Although Eleanor Roosevelt had always supported improvement of Black American participation within the many programs installed to combat the Great Depression, she was not always successful in convincing her husband to make changes. President Roosevelt seemed cautious with the changes he made.

One of the most famous fighter wings from World War II, the 99th, later known as the Tuskegee Airmen, made significant progress for the Blacks in World War II. Not only did they make key contributions to the war effort, they did so after barely getting a chance to serve in the Air Wing. Initially, the War Department tried to send the Black aviators to Liberia, from where the squadron would hunt for German submarines. The plan may have fallen through, but first of all, the Liberian government could not afford to pay the aviators. Secondly, William O. Hastie, the special advisor to the State Department for racial matters, had retired in order to protest the continued segregation in the Army and Air Force training. Hastie, a Black American, had gained the position of Assistant Secretary in the War Department, and was a leading advocate of Black manpower. Thirdly, the U.S. needed the Black fighter pilots once the Allies invaded into North Africa.

In North Africa, the Black airmen had a disadvantage in navigation, since cross-country training flights within the U.S. were difficult to arrange, since this required air bases to have separate facilities for Blacks. The 99th Fighter Squadron was attached to the White 33rd Fighter Group, and received poor treatment. The Black airmen did not receive all of the intelligence given to the White airmen, and had to follow the whites but never lead any attacks. They were called “boys” (Nalty, p. 150) by the White airmen and were expected to follow along without hurting the overall progress of the U.S. Airmen’s accomplishments.

Important information from the Tuskegee Airmen is pertinent today, as they overcame many barriers and gained respect on the battlefield. The New York State Museum of Military History recently interviewed one of these particular Airmen, Clarence Dart. Dart revealed that the Black Airmen felt as much pressure from themselves as they did from the enemy. They had been regarded as “too dumb” to be fighter pilots, despite previous achievements made by Black Aviators. For example, Eugene Jacques Bullard, known as the “Black Swallow of Death,” the only Black pilot of World War I. Bullard received a pilot's badge and a Croix de Guerre, for having served on the ground and in the air. Nevertheless, Dart noted that the feeling of unimportance faded away later into World War II as the Black pilots were needed as bomber escorts. Even if people regarded them openly as less skilled, they were still receiving important tasks, contradicting the myth of their incompetence.

The 99th Fighter Squadron merged into the 332nd Fighter Group on July 2nd, 1944. Members of the 99th had the experience, while the 332nd members had just arrived from the Tuskegee Institute. The 332nd gained the name "The Redtails" from the assigned paint color for their tails. Led by Col. Benjamin O. Davis, the Redtails had learned that their purpose in World War II was to protect the bombers, and never lost a bomber. (Acepilots.com)

In the ground war, there were few chances for Black units to represent the front lines. The 93rd Infantry Division was the only all Black unit of World War II, and served on the defensive in the Pacific. On February 7, 1944, the 93rd occupied the Solomon Islands, where it split up. Its elements served on the defensive as labor units in training. The 25th Infantry division engaged in limited offensive operations in the Guadalcanal, against the Japanese along the Kuma and East-West Trails. In May the 25th moved to the Green Islands to construct defensive fortifications and train. The 368th had similar tasks, first at the Bakina Russel Islands, where it worked at docks, warehouses and supply depots. This division saw only labor and defensive patrols, and its biggest responsibility being the complete control of Palawan Island when the 41st Infantry Division left. The 369th Antiaircraft Artillery Regiment, formerly the Infantry Regiment from the New York State National Guard, saw a similar fate. The 369th only engaged in defensive and tactical mopping up operations on the New Georgia Island, and later on Emirau, Los Negros Island Admiralty Island, Biak Island, Sansapor New Guinea, Middleburg Island, and Morotai Island. On Morotai Island the regiment established outposts and patrolled until the end of the war. On Biak Island the regiment supplied labor details. The 93rd was regarded as only experimental, and appealed more as a labor unit.

In the Battle of the Bulge, Blacks finally received a call to arms. As the Ardennes counteroffensive took its toll on manpower, Lieutenant General John C. H. Lee suggested that Black troops be allowed to serve in combat. In only the first week of battle, 50,000 Americans were killed or wounded. In the month of December, the U.S. lost 125,000 to the fighting and cold weather. Eisenhower agreed, and in late December, circulars went out for Black volunteers. The Blacks were deployed in platoons, and proved themselves to the whites in the units they joined. A survey of White company officers and platoon sergeants showed that 84 percent of the officers and 81 percent of the sergeants believed that the Blacks served “very well.” (Nalty, p. 178) Even General George S. Patton, Jr., praised the Black soldiers. The 761st Tank Battalion had joined the 26th Infantry Division under Patton’s Third Army. The 26th had been bogged down at Metz, France, and needed additional support to push ahead. The 761st helped the 26th Infantry and Ninth Air Force surround and capture Metz. It also helped push the retreating 13th SS Panzer Division back into Germany after its long assault in Bastogne. The 761st joined the 103rd Infantry in Alsace-Lorraine in March of 1944 and knocked out Siegfried Line defenses at Reisdorf. The “C” Company from the 761st continued this push past the Siegfried Line, destroying two anti-tank guns, nine machine gun nests and twenty-four pillboxes, killing 265 Germans and capturing 1,450. Two platoons of the 761st were responsible for the capture of Hermann Göring’s castle as well. Göring was the second in command behind Hitler, and the commander-in-chief of the Luftwaffe, the German air force. This unit then spearheaded the assault on Regensburg, and shortly thereafter received the order to continue toward the Enns River in Austria. On May 4th the 761st reached Steyr, Austria, and two days later met the First Ukrainian Front under Marshal Ivan Konev. This unit also captured 106,926 prisoners and liberated the Gunskirchen concentration camp. On July 15, 2002, The Holocaust Center of Northern California honored the 761st US Tank Battalion and the Japanese American 522nd Field Artillery Battalion for liberating hundreds of Jews from this concentration camp. (Unlikely Liberators)

Only the White units that the 761st had been attached to received Dinstinguished Unit Citations, despite Major General E.H. Hughes recommendation. Finally in 1978 President Carter signed the Distinguished Unit Citation. Even after all of Patton’s admiration of the 761st, the unit received no representation in the movie Patton, which was released in 1970.

Black Americans In The US Military From The American Revolution To The Korean War:
The Korean War

General Douglas MacArthur, who now commanded the U.S. occupation of Japan, originally regarded the surprise attack launched by North Korea on June 25, 1950, merely as a border war. MacArthur had severely underestimated the size of the invasion force of the NKPA, or North Korean People’s Army. The NKPA invaded past the 38th Parallel, the original border set at the end of World War II, in order to quickly capture and unite South Korea with the North. By June 29th it became evident that the ROK (Republic of Korea), and U.S. forces could not push the NKPA back to the 38th Parallel, and had no tanks, artillery or anything that could slow down the North Korean Soviet model tanks. The Eighth Army blamed its failures on the Republic of Korea troops, while the 25th Infantry Division blamed its failures on its Black troops, according to Lietenant Colonel Charles M. Bussey. (Buckley, p. 349) General MacArthur cleverly devised an invasion plan that gained the U.N. and U.S. forces all of Korea, up to the Yalu River, the border with China. General MacArthur’s view on the conflict as a “Holy War” (US State Department) in which the U.S. should unleash Chaing Kai-shek and launching nuclear strikes on the Chinese mainland. MacArthur continuously ignored the chain of command and wrote to Speaker of the House Joe Martin saying the United States could only win by an all-out war, and this meant bombing the Manchurian bases. Rather than succumb to MacArthur’s desire for nuclear war, President Harry S. Truman fired the General.

Truman replaced MacArthur with General Matthew B. Ridgway, who strongly opposed segregation of forces. His effort to desegregate met strong opposition from Major General Edward M. Almond, a vilified racist. Almond would reintegrate already integrated units and deny approval of medals for Black soldiers. Still, the 24th Infantry achieved the first victory of the war, and the first medals of Honor were awarded to Black soldiers from this unit. The victory came after the invasion of Pusan, at the town of Yechon, on July 20, 1950. The victory gained national prestige, shown in newspapers all over the U.S., though not remembered for long. In an official Army history of the first six months of the Korean War, South to Naktong, North to the Yalu, Roy Appleman denies that a battle took place at Yechon. However, the commander of the 25th Division, Major General William Kean, awarded Black officer Charles M. Bussey for his achievements in this battle. Bussey had noticed a large group of North Koreans disguised as peasants, trying to outflank the 24th. Wounded twice, Bussey was still able to stop them cold, mowing down 258 of these soldiers. Lieutenant Colonel John T. Corley also firmly upholds the battle at Yechon.

Air power was a key to U.N. and U.S. successes in the Korean War. Initially the U.S. Air Force had been preparing for long-range nuclear attacks on their two main Cold War foes, China and the Soviet Union. The Korean War was only a proxy war, supplied by China and the U.S.S.R., but only backed by Chinese troops and fighter pilots. In order to reduce the communist forces’ supplies without provoking an all out war with China and the Soviet Union, supply routes within Korea could only be bombed. These attacks, known as “air interdiction,” were successful:

Although strategic bombing did not yield any apparent results, air interdiction was more successful, especially as there were very few roads or railroads leading from the north to the south. The raids focused on NKPA’s supply routes to stop the flow of reinforcements and supplies. In the beginning, NKPA tanks were particularly easy to find as they were not escorted by anti-aircraft guns.When the tanks traveled at night, they left their headlights on. The interdiction effort was successful: NKPA gas tanks on the front lines went empty and troop rations were reduced from rice, fish, meat, and vegetables to merely rice. When the chief of staff of NKPA’s 13th Infantry was captured in September 1950, he testified that "half of our personnel had lost the stamina necessary to fight in mountainous terrain."

General Benjamin O. Davis, Jr. also highlights the importance of air power in the Korean War, since it slowed the first North Korean advance and helped the retreating U.S. and later “prevented the expulsion of United Nations forces.” This later was confirmed during the peace negotiations, the chief North Korean delegate, General Nam Il, told the U.N. team that "without direct support of your tactical aerial bombing alone your ground forces would have been completely unable to hold their present positions."

In 1950, the Air Force had 25 black pilots in integrated fighter squadrons led by Captain Daniel "Chappie" James Jr., of the 36th Squadron, 5th Air Force. In World War II, James flew under General Donald M. Davis in the 477th Bombardment Group. James decided to join an integrated unit after World War II in order to prove that he was one of the best pilots in the U.S. Air Force. In the Philippines, he trained in the 12th Fighter-Bomber Squadron and ranked highly among all officers: First in rocketry, second in bombing accuracy and also one of the top ground gunners. Despite early hatred expressed by other White pilots, James skills and cheerful personality gained the respect of the entire squadron.

In the Korean War, James showed his exceptional skills and eventually flew unarmed reconnaissance missions behind enemy lines. This was a task reserved for the best pilots and most trusted pilots. He provided low-level air support for ground troops, eliminating anything enemy, including supply trains and Russian T-34 tanks. James’ most famous battlefield success of the Korean War came in October of 1950, when he provided close air support to forces in Namchonjom, North Korea. Using up all of his ammunition, James killed over one hundred North Koreans and was awarded the Distinguished Flying Cross.

Another example of a successful Black airman was First Lieutenant Dayton Ragland. Ragland was the first Black to shoot down a North Korean fighter jet. Later he was shot down and imprisoned, but survived and returned to South Korea in July of 1953 during an exchange of prisoners. Still, Blacks had not yet been completely accepted as skilled airmen. James and Ragland were regarded as the few good Black pilots. The commanding General of the Far East Forces, Lieutenant General Earle E. Partridge, focused on mistakes made by two Black aviators that were serving as airborne controllers. They had accidentally directed air strikes on friendly targets. Rather than focus on punishing these individuals, General Partridge declared all Blacks ineligible for the job of airborne controller.

The gradual integration of the U.S. military set in motion the changes that would be made throughout American society. In some areas of the U.S., racism remained a problem, especially in towns with military bases located in the South.Black Americans In The US Military From The American Revolution To The Korean War:

Conclusion And Bibliography

Conclusion

Black American contribution to America’s military history should not be viewed in terms of numbers only. While the Black population has always been a minority, it has made many achievements, many unsung. The reward for their valiant effort on the battlefield has yet to be completed. The Black soldiers fought in the belief that someday they would be treated equal to the White man, even after so many broken promises, such as gaining freedom for helping fight the British in the Revolutionary War. As noted earlier, it sometimes took a long time for units to receive the proper recognition for their efforts. Only in 1972 did the 25th Infantry’s 1st Battalion receive dishonorable discharges after the “incident” in 1906, in Brownsville, Texas. For their achievements in the Spanish-American War, the 9th and 10th Cavalry, and the 25th Infantry Division never received an apology from President Theodore Roosevelt, who discredited all of their achievements, despite relying on these regiments for the rescue of his own, the Rough Riders. White soldiers have witnessed the ability of Black soldiers to fight fiercely, but only in World War II did the units integrate, only by necessity. In the Korean War, units were integrated due to the anti-segregation policy of General Matthew B. Ridgway, who replaced General MacArthur. Black servicemen, through their achievements, gained recognition from White servicemen. However, the U.S. Government and its leaders have been hesitant to praise their achievements, due to political and sometimes personal reasons