Charles Clinton Spaulding (1 Aug. 1874-1 Aug. 1952), black businessman and community leader, was born in Columbus County to parents descended from a long-standing community of free Negro landholders in the area. A family oral tradition holds that his great-grandfather, an emancipated house servant from Wilmington, migrated west in the early 1800s to Columbus County, where he joined an insular community of free Negro-Indian farmers. Both of his parents, Benjamin McIver and Margaret Moore Spaulding, were third-generation members of this distinctive settlement.
In 1894 Spaulding left the family farm for Durham, where he
finished high school and worked at a succession of "Negro
jobs"—dishwasher, waiter, bellhop, and office boy. In 1898 he
became the manager of an all-black cooperative grocery store; his
success in that post won him a managerial position in another black
business, the North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance Company. Founded
in 1898, North Carolina Mutual was on the brink of failure when
Spaulding became general manager in 1900. By 1910 the company
boasted of being "the world's largest Negro business," and
Spaulding and two of the original founders, John Merrick and Dr.
Aaron M. Moore (Spaulding's uncle), were heralded in the
Afro-American community as the "Triumvirate," the epitome of Booker
T. Washington's "black captains of industry." Durham, in turn,
became known as the "capital of the black middle class."
In 1923 Spaulding succeeded Moore as president of North Carolina
Mutual, and from that time until his death he enjoyed an
international reputation as America's leading black businessman. He
directed not only North Carolina Mutual but also an extended family
of financial institutions, including Mechanics and Farmers Bank,
Bankers Fire Insurance Company, and Mutual Savings and Loan
Association. Out of such business leadership, Spaulding emerged as
the patriarch of black Durham, with social and political influence
extending throughout the southern region and beyond. As trustee of
the John F. Slater Fund, North Carolina College, Shaw University,
and Howard University, he played a significant formal role in black
higher education. Informally he played a larger role, functioning
as a New South broker for philanthropy and employment in black
institutions. A letter from him, as from Booker T. Washington a
generation earlier, carried decisive influence. As a successful
business executive, he appeared to the white world of philanthropy
and power as something of a brother under the skin, less the
self-interested supplicant than the dispassionate statesman
offering moderate advice on racial uplift. He regularly appeared
before the North Carolina legislature on behalf of North Carolina
College, and behind the scenes he labored to correct the inequities
of the Jim Crow system, sometimes holding the fear of integration
as a hostage to ransom a greater share of public funding for black
institutions.
In politics and race relations, then, as in philanthropy and
education, Spaulding's formal actions often masked the underlying
process of Negro politics in the New South. He served as a
functionary in the Democratic party, especially during the New Deal
when his recommendations influenced President Franklin D.
Roosevelt's appointments to the "black cabinet," and when as
president of the Urban League's National Emergency Advisory Council
he became the official interpreter of the National Recovery
Administration to the black community. Later in life he would
decline appointments to the Fair Employment Practices Committee and
as minister to Liberia. But it was at a less visible level, in his
home state and in Durham, where as secretary of the North Carolina
Commission on Interracial Cooperation and, more important, as
chairman of the Durham Committee on Negro Affairs (DCNA), that he
charted the passage between two eras of southern politics and race
relations, the passage between classic paternalism dating back to
slavery and direct politics looking ahead to the civil rights
movement. Spaulding preserved the benefits of white
patron—black client relationships at the same time he
directed the DCNA towards a suffrage movement designed to replace
those whimsical relationships. For whites his dexterous disavowal
of "social equality" promised social control; cloaked in this
context, the work of his more radical colleagues in the DCNA
brought about black re-enfranchisement twenty years ahead of
comparable southern cities.
Spaulding represented the last of a generation that hearkened
back to the age of Booker T. Washington, and his skilled absorption
of the politics to his left is perhaps a test case for what the
Tuskegeean himself might have done. He spent his final years
remaining active in the Baptist church, accepting honors, and
giving speeches, his pioneering in black business long behind him
and his transitional role in southern politics nearly completed.
His three sons, Charles Clinton, Jr., John, and Booker, and his
daughter Margaret, all children from his first marriage to Fannie
Jones Spaulding, resided in Durham. His first wife died in 1919;
his second wife, Charlotte Garner Spaulding, survived until
1971.
SEE: William Jesse Kennedy, Jr., The North Carolina Mutual
Story: A Symbol of Progress, 1898-1970 (1970); Charles
Clinton Spaulding Papers (North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance
Company, Durham); Walter B. Weare, Black Business in the New
South: A Social History of the North Carolina Mutual Insurance
Company (1973), particularly for the citation of primary
sources on C. C. Spaulding.
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